When we get piled upon one another in large cities, as in The democracy will cease to exist when you take away from those who are willing to work and give to those who would not. It is incumbent on every generation to pay its own debts as it goes. A principle which if acted on would save one-half the wars of the world. I predict future happiness for Americans if they can prevent the government from wasting the labors of the people under the pretense of taking care of them. My reading of history convinces me that most bad government results from too much government. No free man shall ever be debarred the use of arms. The strongest reason for the people to retain the right to keep and bear arms is, as a last resort, to protect themselves against tyranny in government. The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. Thomas Jefferson (1802) I have always thought, we will not be conquered by another nation's army. We will be conquered/over thrown from within by the power brokers! |
Friday, March 13, 2009
Thoughts of Thomas Jefferson
Thursday, March 12, 2009
Rights of Property Owner
| Recently there have been letters to the editor wishing their rights as property owners would be respected. How ironic. Here in East Tennessee where the Cherokee roamed where he wanted until the white man arrived and crammed him onto the Reservation. Or how about the families forced off their land to make a place for Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Rights of property owners? How naive.. |
Bernie Madoff
Bernard Madoff has pleaded guilty and has assured us and the judge that he is very very sorry. "Profanity inserted here!" Justice will not begin to be served until he is in jail for the rest of his life; every property in the Madoff name has been confiscated; all monies in the Madoff name in whatever form has been impounded; and his family are living in a 2 bedroom apartment somewhere. He has ruined thousands of people. Maybe justice will not be experienced until he has died in jail... Regards, John Jenkins 865-803-8179 cell Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com "I don't know who discovered water, but it probably wasn't a fish." ---Marshal McLuhan |
Wednesday, March 11, 2009
WHY ATHLETES CAN'T HAVE REGULAR JOBS!
| You have to admit these people are the elite of our society... 1. Chicago Cubs outfielder Andre Dawson on being a role model: "I wan' all dem kids to do what I do, to look up to me. I wan' all the kids to copulate me." 2. New Orleans Saint RB George Rogers when asked about the upcoming season: "I want to rush for 1,000 or 1,500 yards, whichever comes first." 3. And, upon hearing Joe Jacobi of the 'Skins say: "I'd run over my own mother to win the Super Bowl," Matt Millen of the Raiders said: "To win, I'd run over Joe's Mom, too." 4. Torrin Polk, University of Houston receiver, on his coach, John Jenkins: "He treats us like men. He lets us wear earrings." 5. Football commentator and former player Joe Theismann, 1996: "Nobody in football should be called a genius. A genius is a guy like Norman Einstein." 6. Senior basketball player at the University of Pittsburgh: "I'm going to graduate on time, no matter how long it takes." (Now that is beautiful!) 7. Bill Peterson, a Florida State football coach: "You guys line up alphabetically by height." And, "You guys pair up in groups of three, and then line up in a circle." 8. Boxing promoter Dan Duva on Mike Tyson going to prison: "Why would anyone expect him to come out smarter? He went to prison for three years, not Princeton." 9. Stu Grimson, Chicago Blackhawks left wing, explaining why he keeps a color photo of himself above his locker: "That's so when I forget how to spell my name, I can still find my clothes." 10. Lou Duva, veteran boxing trainer, on the Spartan training regime of heavyweight Andrew Golota: "He's a guy who gets up at six o'clock in the morning, regardless of what time it is." 11. Chuck Nevitt , North Carolina State basketball player, explaining to Coach Jim Valvano why he appeared nervous at practice: "My sister's expecting a baby, and I don't know if I'm going to be an uncle or an aunt." 12. Frank Layden, Utah Jazz president, on a former player: "I told him, "Son, what is it with you? Is it ignorance or apathy?" He said, "Coach, I don't know and I don't care." 13. Shelby Metcalf, basketball coach at Texas A&M, recounting what he told a player who received four F's and one D: "Son, looks to me like you're spending too much time on one subject." 14 Amarillo High School and Oiler coach Bum Phillips when asked by Bob Costas why he takes his wife on all the road trips, Phillips responded: "Because she is too damn ugly to kiss good-bye." |
Tuesday, March 10, 2009
Cars are more important than People
We live in a country that allows people to receive lots of money for very little if any real work and they are not required to share. Jay Leno is giving a free show to the unemployed. But do not forget he would rather own more cars than he can drive while children go hungry. The super-rich have more money than 99% of the people in the world will receive in their life-time but still want more. How much is enough, a house valued at $5 million $10 million $100 million? I know they do not have to but if they are so generous why not share with people or organizations that need help. I new a millionaire who gave 90% of his income to help others. As the people leave the auditorium after Jay Leno's show, Jay will go back to his cars and the people will go back to their homes, with no food and maybe no heat. Regards, John Jenkins 865-803-8179 cell Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com "I don't know who discovered water, but it probably wasn't a fish." ---Marshal McLuhan |
Limbaugh, who?
During the campaign for President, John McCain was more conservative that Barack Obama, any Republican who did not enthusiastically support John McCain showed them selves to be just complainers with no solutions. Regards, John Jenkins 865-803-8179 cell Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com "I don't know who discovered water, but it probably wasn't a fish." ---Marshal McLuhan |
Monday, March 09, 2009
The Stock Market vs Online Gambling
The Stock Market used to be for investing but it has turned into on-line poker. It is not logical that a company can be valued at $30 billion one week, $40 billion a month later and $25 billion 2 months later and they made no changes. The reason is the Stock Market is nothing more than gambling. The Internet plus the Day Trading mentality has changed the overall market and the market will never be as it was. The $50 trillion lost world wide was vapor. It never existed. Unethical, dishonest, and immoral accountants, CFOs and CEOs cooked the books. Regards, John Jenkins Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com "I don't know who discovered water, but it probably wasn't a fish." ---Marshal McLuhan |
Saturday, March 07, 2009
How Can They Not See it?
Mr. President: When you raise taxes on corporations they raise their prices to make up for the added expense. That means the purchaser is the eventual taxpayer. Less corporate taxes is the way to create growth. Less individual taxes gives the people more money to spend. Less Federal and State taxes means government gets off the taxpayers back. How can you not see that? Stop taking our money. Stop spending money you do not have.... Regards, John Jenkins Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com "I don't know who discovered water, but it probably wasn't a fish." ---Marshal McLuhan |
Friday, March 06, 2009
Moronic Government Workers
Whoever made the mistake with the Clinton restart button and used начислено (overcharged) instead of рестарт (restart) should be fired. If our government can't translated a word correctly how do they expect to do anything correctly. Sad... Regards, John Jenkins 865-803-8179 cell Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com "I don't know who discovered water, but it probably wasn't a fish." ---Marshal McLuhan |
Crockett on the Power to Make Charitable Donations
I was one day in the lobby of the House of Representatives when a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support, rather, as I thought, because it afforded the speakers a fine opportunity for display than from the necessity of convincing anybody, for it seemed to me that everybody favored it. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose. Everybody expected, of course, that he was going to make one of his characteristic speeches in support of the bill. He commenced:
"Mr. Speaker -- I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please in charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears to him. This government can owe no debts but for services rendered, and at a stipulated price. If it is a debt, how much is it? Has it been audited, and the amount due ascertained? If it is a debt, this is not the place to present it for payment, or to have its merits examined. If it is a debt, we owe more than we can ever hope to pay, for we owe the widow of every soldier who fought in the War of 1812 precisely the same amount. There is a woman in my neighborhood, the widow of as gallant a man as ever shouldered a musket. He fell in battle. She is as good in every respect as this lady, and is as poor. She is earning her daily bread by her daily labor; but if I were to introduce a bill to appropriate five or ten thousand dollars for her benefit, I should be laughed at, and my bill would not get five votes in this House. There are thousands of widows in the country just such as the one I have spoken of, but we never hear of any of these large debts to them. Sir, this is no debt. The government did not owe it to the deceased when he was alive; it could not contract it after he died. I do not wish to be rude, but I must be plain. Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as a charity. Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much of our own money as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks."
He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, no doubt, it would, but for that speech, it received but few votes, and, of course, was lost.
Like many other young men, and old ones too, for that matter, who had not thought upon the subject, I desired the passage of the bill, and felt outraged at its defeat. I determined that I would persuade my friend Crockett to move a reconsideration the next day.
Previous engagements preventing me from seeing Crockett that night, I went early to his room the next morning and found him engaged in addressing and franking letters, a large pile of which lay upon his table.
I broke in upon him rather abruptly, by asking him what devil had possessed him to make that speech and defeat that bill yesterday. Without turning his head or looking up from his work, he replied:
"You see that I am very busy now; take a seat and cool yourself. I will be through in a few minutes, and then I will tell you all about it."
He continued his employment for about ten minutes, and when he had finished he turned to me and said:
"Now, sir, I will answer your question. But thereby hangs a tale, and one of considerable length, to which you will have to listen."
I listened, and this is the tale which I heard:
"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as we could. When we got there, I went to work, and I never worked as hard in my life as I did there for several hours. But, in spite of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made houseless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women and children suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for them, and everybody else seemed to feel the same way.
"The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done. I said everybody felt as I did. That was not quite so; for, though they perhaps sympathized as deeply with the sufferers as I did, there were a few of the members who did not think we had the right to indulge our sympathy or excite our charity at the expense of anybody but ourselves. They opposed the bill, and upon its passage demanded the yeas and nays. There were not enough of them to sustain the call, but many of us wanted our names to appear in favor of what we considered a praiseworthy measure, and we voted with them to sustain it. So the yeas and nays were recorded, and my name appeared on the journals in favor of the bill.
"The next summer, when it began to be time to think about the election, I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did not know what might turn up, and I thought it was best to let the boys know that I had not forgot them, and that going to Congress had not made me too proud to go to see them.
"So I put a couple of shirts and a few twists of tobacco into my saddlebags, and put out. I had been out about a week and had found things going very smoothly, when, riding one day in a part of my district in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the fence. As he came up I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly, and was about turning his horse for another furrow when I said to him: 'Don't be in such a hurry, my friend; I want to have a little talk with you, and get better acquainted.' He replied:
"'I am very busy, and have but little time to talk, but if it does not take too long, I will listen to what you have to say.'
"I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called candidates, and --'
"'Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.'
"This was a sockdolager [a knock down blow -ed.] .... I begged him to tell me what was the matter.
"'Well, Colonel, it is hardly worthwhile to waste time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are wanting in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you what, but for my rudeness, I should not have said, that I believe you to be honest .... But an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more honest he is.'
"'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional question.'
"'No, Colonel, there's no mistake. Though I live here in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?'
"'Certainly it is, and I thought that was the last vote which anybody in the world would have found fault with.'
"'Well, Colonel, where do you find in the Constitution any authority to give away the public money in charity?'
"Here was another sockdolager; for, when I began to think about it, I could not remember a thing in the Constitution that authorized it. I found I must take another tack, so I said:
"'Well, my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury, and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did.'
"'It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to the government. So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off than he. If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and for robbing the people on the other. No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please, but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this county as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing each one week's pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are plenty of wealthy men in and around Washington who could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life. The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours to give. The people have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.'"
"I have given you," continued Crockett, "an imperfect account of what he said. Long before he was through, I was convinced that I had done wrong.
He wound up by saying:
"'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot vote for you.'
"I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this man should go to talking, he would set others to talking, and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the fact is, I was so fully convinced that he was right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him:
"'Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had not sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in Congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said here at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.'
"He laughingly replied: 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good than beating you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep down opposition, and, perhaps, I may exert some little influence in that way.'
"'If I don't,' said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am in earnest in what I say I will come back this way in a week or ten days, and if you will get up a gathering of the people, I will make a speech to them, Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.'
"'No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting it up on Saturday week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.'
"'Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-by. I must know your name.'
"'My name is Bunce.'
"'Not Horatio Bunce?'
"'Yes.'
"'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before, though you say you have seen me, but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you for my friend. You must let me shake your hand before I go.'
"We shook hands and parted.
"It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in that district under such a vote.
"At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen manifested before.
"Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and, under ordinary circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before.
"I have told you Mr. Bunce converted me politically. He came nearer converting me religiously than I had ever been before. He did not make a very good Christian of me, as you know; but he has wrought upon my mind a conviction of the truth of Christianity, and upon my feelings a reverence for its purifying and elevating power such as I had never felt before.
"I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him -- no, that is not the word -- I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you, sir, if every one who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the word by storm.
"But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the barbecue, and, to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I had got pretty well acquainted -- at least, they all knew me.
"In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered up around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying:
"'Fellow-citizens -- I present myself before you today feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.'
"I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation as I have told it to you, and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying:
"'And now, fellow-citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error.
"'It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to the credit of it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so.'
"He came upon the stand and said:
"'Fellow-citizens -- It affords me great pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you today.'
"He went down, and there went up from that crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett as his name never called forth before.
"I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the honors I have received and all the reputation I have ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of Congress.
"Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday. I have had several thousand copies of it printed, and was directing them to my constituents when you came in.
"There is one thing now to which I will call your attention. You remember that I proposed to give a week's pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men -- men who think nothing of spending a week's pay, or a dozen of them, for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased -- a debt which could not be paid by money -- and the insignificance and worthlessness of money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000, when weighed against the honor of the nation. Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people. But it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it."
Thursday, March 05, 2009
Rules of the Internet
Hi, An unsolicited comment… I'm reading a book on the subject of businesses working with the new rules established by the Internet. The author is Have you ever considered writing a Blog addressing problems or concerns of your customers or what's on the horizon etc? Have you ever searched using AllState or Mountain National Bank followed by the word "sucks?"
Check out your competition. You might be surprised.
The end.....
Regards, John Jenkins Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com "I don't know who discovered water, but it probably wasn't a fish." ---Marshal McLuhan |
Laptop Computers
I am looking to buy a new laptop computer. I want one that has lots of RAM, large screen and that will run Windows applications. MAC or IBM compatible is fine. Do you have any suggestions you would be willing to share? Thanks..... |
Wednesday, March 04, 2009
Laws Associated With the Internet
Law of Diminishing Returns: As transaction costs in the open market approach zero, so does the size of the firm. Law of Disruption: Social, political, and economic systems change incrementally, but technology changes exponentially. Metcalfe's Law: 1) The number of possible cross-connections in a network grow as the square of the number of computers in the network increases. 2) The community value of a network grows as the square of the number of its users increase. Moore's Law: In 1965 Gordon Moore observed, "Since the invention of the integrated circuit in 1958, the number of transistors (micro-components) that can be placed inexpensively on an integrated circuit (micro-chip) has increased exponentially, doubling approximately every two years." |
The Internet
I've been reading…. In 1986 a book titled The Alchemist was published. Since its original release in The world is upside-down, inside-out, counterintuitive and confusing. The premier question for business is how to navigate in a world that has changed radically and forever. Who would have imagined a free classified service could have had a profound and permanent effect on the newspaper industry that kids with cameras and internet connections could have larger audiences that cable networks could, that loaners with keyboards could bring down politicians and companies and that college dropouts could build companies worth billions? They didn't do it by breaking rules. They operated by new rules of a new age: · Customers are now in charge. They can be heard around the world and have an impact on huge institutions in an instant. · People can find each other anywhere and coalesce around you---or against you. · The mass market is dead, replaced by mass niches. · The Cluetrain Manifest published in 2000 considered a primary work of the internet age wrote: "Markets are conversations." That means the key skill in any organization today is not marketing but conversing. · We have shifted from an economy based on scarcity to one based on abundance. The control of products or distribution will no longer guarantee a premium and a profit. · Enabling customers to collaborate with you---in creating, distributing, marketing, and supporting products--- is what creates a premium in today's market. · The most successful enterprises today are networks---which extract as little value as possible so they can grow as big as possible---and the platforms on which those networks are built. · Owning pipelines, people, products, or even intellectual property is no longer the key to success. Openness is. Google's founders understand the change brought by the internet. That is why they are considered the fastest growing company in the history of the world. The same is true for Facebook, Craigslist. Wikipedia, Amazon, and Digg. |
Tuesday, March 03, 2009
Our Lady of the Curd:
In the early 3rd century, Perpetua, one of several Holy Women Transformed by Cheese... Regards, John Jenkins A billion here, a billion there, and pretty soon you're talking about real money. ---Everett Dirksen |
Second Amendment
Ms Downs: As I mentioned when we spoke on the telephone I am sending you a copy of the note I sent to Senator Alexander. An aside: I received a letter from the senator today and I apologize if I appear to be a complainer but Governor Bredesen and Senator Corker at least mention the topic of my comments. Senator Alexander's reply is obviously a canned reply and can be used for any communication to the senator on any subject. Politicians are a real trip. Thank you for your time and effort directed to at least getting the senator or his staff to admit they received an email.. The Second Amendment to our Constitution reads: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. When George W Bush became president he had an agenda to make the Executive Branch more powerful than the other two branches of our government. When Barack Obama became president he has his agenda. Our Representatives and Senators as well as our governors and state legislators stood by quietly as they watched George Bush violate our Constitution. I hope you will not continue to remain silent. The Second Amendment of the United States Constitution provides that the citizens of the United States bear arms that will allow them to protect themselves from the Federal government. The Second Amendment is not about hunting or target shooting. It is about the right of the people to protect themselves from the people who represent us. I encourage you to leave the Second Amendment alone and encourage your fellow senators to protect the Constitution. John Jenkins 425 Patterson Lane Gatlinburg, TN 37738 Regards, John Jenkins Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com A billion here, a billion there, and pretty soon you're talking about real money. ---Everett Dirksen |
Second Amendment
Governor: The Second Amendment to our Constitution reads: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a When The Second Amendment of the United States Constitution provides that the citizens of the I encourage you to speak up on behalf of the citizens of Tennessee and their constitutional right to bear arms, any arms. |
Re: Fw: A black woman's view on the election
Hi Ray, Interesting point of view. Obama was not as elected as much as a Republican was not elected. Quiet similar to when We either believe God raises up nations and takes nations down and that he raises up leaders and takes leaders down or we don't. Job He makes nations great, and he destroys them; he enlarges nations, and leads them away. He changes times and seasons; he removes kings and sets up kings; he gives wisdom to the wise and knowledge to those who have understanding; There were good people in The church has fallen on its face. It just might be time for us to standup, shake off the dust and get busy. We are told to pray for our leaders that we might live peaceful lives BECAUSE God wants everyone to be saved. We have prayed for our leaders so that we can live peaceful lives so that we can collect money, go on vacations and store up treasures on earth. It just might be a good time to rethink what we really believe. Regards, John Jenkins Gatlinburg, TN Email: jrjenki@yahoo.com A billion here, a billion there, and pretty soon you're talking about real money. ---Everett Dirksen --- On Mon, 3/2/09, Ray & Martha <arandm@charter.net> wrote: From: Ray & Martha <arandm@charter.net> |